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Only 10 percent responded; of those, CU offers scholarships and reduced tuition for some physicians who would find it difficult to pay the cost of some courses, which can run into the hundreds of dollars, not including the cost of a day or two spent learning and not practicing medicine, Bucklin said.

Colorado did have CME requirements in the past, said pediatrician Dr. But I saw lots of pediatricians who were still doing things the way they had been doing them for 20 years.

Was that bad for children? It is the adults who need of the new knowledge of their children. Serre repeated an idea of M.

Mead who said in , op. Conversely, the older generation will never see repeated in the lives of young people their own unprecedented experience or sequentially emerging change.

Democracy and human rights are universal aspirations and ideals which governments that claim to be legitimate should always respect. There are scholars who feel that the emergence of the international regime of human rights, linking human rights to democracy, has weakened the preexisting ideological divide by conditioning governance to the requirements of human rights.

This has been the case especially since the UN developed the Human Rights-Based Approach hereafter HRBA , urging member-states to use this approach in the pursuit of political goals, such as development and good governance.

Not surprisingly, some of the scholars who used to stubbornly defend this or that ideological school of thinking are now prepared to be flexible and accept the validity of human rights which were not tolerated traditionally by their ideological camps, such as the rights to health or education and minority rights.

However, many others have remained in their ideological barracks, criticizing or belittling the UN approach to human rights and democracy because it deviates from their ideological orthodoxy.

These scholars may never surrender until and unless the contours of international human rights law are perfectly aligned to their own ideological doctrines.

Many other scholars have preferred to watch from the sidelines as the HRBA takes root. Their silence has created a wide gap in the academic literature where contributions are most needed.

Publications on HRBA which come after it is fully developed will still be welcome, especially for those interested in history. However, timely commentaries can make valuable contributions to debates around the direction democracy and human rights are taking.

It is bearing this in mind that this study was undertaken. The importance of this subject-matter hardly needs explaining.

In the UN adopted the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, encouraging the promotion of human rights awareness, and affirming the rights of individuals to be concerned with human rights and to claim their rights.

In response to this, and in the interest of critically assessing the broader political implications of this approach, the academic world should share its intellectual insights rather than lagging behind.

Scholars should feel free to express their own views, including those which further particular economic, social and political interests.

This is, in fact, what most of them do, defending their respective beliefs in the name of justice, even though their conclusions are hardly reconcilable.

Still, it is better for scholars to make contributions, rather than leaving questions relating to human rights and democracy to be shaped by political actors to meet their needs.

The philosophers who previously devoted their lives to answering these questions now rest in peace, after agreeing to disagree with one other, leaving their followers intellectually restless.

The ideological camps that have gradually emerged are not only numerous, but also tolerant of multiple interpretations, thereby blurring the landscape.

Less colorful, more focused and relevant to the real political world is the approach used by global political organizations, such as the UN.

Their positions are widely accepted for the simple reason that they are products of a broader political consensus, which accommodates the diverse views of experts from different fields.

What makes the UN approach legitimate is the existence of a legal mandate to promote human rights as stipulated by article 1 paragraph 3 of its Charter.

Using this mandate, this organization has adopted an impressive list of international human rights instruments which have been widely ratified by its member-states.

The contents of some of these human rights instruments concern democracy, directly or indirectly, as will be shown later. The compliance by state with the undertakings assumed under these international instruments is monitored by a number of international bodies using a range of different methods, for example by considering reports and petitions received, or by tracking the progress made.

Obviously, there is a long way to go before this international regime of human rights achieves its goals. However, no one can seriously question that the UN has reached a milestone by developing this international regime, thereby making the world a more humane place than before.

When it comes to the promotion of democracy, per se , the contributions of the UN are often belittled by those who are displeased by the apparent neglect of the preferences of their own ideological camp.

In fact, much was achieved, especially considering that the organization was prevented during the Cold War period from engaging in what was deemed to fall under the domestic jurisdiction of states by paragraph 7 of article 2 of its own Charter.

It is also important to remember that there was no consensus around which political system served democracy best. Was it that of the U.

Or the Swiss confederal model, which did not permit women to vote until the s? Or that of the socialist states in the Eastern bloc, which disregarded political rights?

Leaving this aside, the UN has played a crucial role in developing the rights of peoples , by elaborating the contents of these rights, e.

These clarifications were significant for democracy since they concern both peoples the demos and good governance kratia.

This approach addressed democracy head-on, and not only from a theoretical perspective. Decolonization was advanced by applying the Charter principle on the right of peoples to self-determination.

Arbitrary usurpation of power was denounced in many countries, and the UN began to monitor elections in post-conflict situations or where there were serious political conflicts.

The support which it gave and still gives to the promotion of gender mainstreaming, empowerment and participatory rights also concern democracy.

The collapse of the Socialist regimes in the former USSR and its Eastern European allies, who were the staunchest defenders of state sovereignty, removed one of the most serious hurdles to the promotion of democracy.

The UN capitalized on this political development to raise the banner of democracy, which gained prominence on its agendas.

Initially, this approach was recommended as a tool for application in the promotion of economic development. However, gradually its use was extended to other areas, for example, to health, child welfare, gender mainstreaming etc.

Proceeding from the above acknowledgement, this study examines the road map used by the UN in developing and promoting human rights and democracy, and how it urges its members to conduct themselves by applying HRBA.

The questions which guide this study are clear-cut. Is there a UN perception of democracy? What are the consequences of relying on HRBA to promote democracy?

Will this reliance promote democracy in form, as well as, in substance? Will it empower the victims of oppression and marginalization, thereby ending despotism, oppression and bad governance once and for all?

What are the wider political consequences and implications of using this bottom-up approach? Will it lead to the fragmentation of multi-ethnic and multi-national states by making them ungovernable when the voices of the marginalized are heard?

Will states reject HRBA because of fears that it will lead to the destabilization of their governments? Only then will one be able to judge the significance and implications of the approach used by the UN based on the application of the human rights norm.

Democracy, as was pointed out earlier, is praised and aspired to across the globe while at the same time being controversial.

This is one reason why varied forms of democracies are found, whose goals and features are often at odds with one another. This model is supposed to guarantee individual political rights freedom of expression, association and assembly , universal suffrage, a free media, and the multi-party parliamentarian model of governance based on the division of power with checks and balances.

However, the systems of governance in Italy, France, the United States and Denmark are far from being the same. If the attack on the media makes democracy illiberal then the U.

Before the demise of the Socialist order in Eastern Europe and U. In the Nordic countries the phrase social democracy is used to describe their welfare system, which is financed through higher taxation.

Even within a single country, we can see the bewildering variety of ways the word democracy is used.

Sweden, for example, was governed during the last few years by a coalition led by the Swedish Social Democrats.

The opposition camp included the Christian Democrats and the Swedish Democrats. All this may well make Swedish citizens wonder who the true democrats are.

Dictionaries define democracy in a variety of way, reflecting the divergent ways the term is understood in the real political world. Sources that fail to do this or that tell only one side of this perplexing story run the risk of being criticized for being ideologically biased.

This is why we find this term defined in different ways, reflecting the political mess in the real world. According to dictionary.

These and other similar broad and varied definitions of democracy raise more questions than they answer. Does this term mean self-rule by the people collectively, as a group, where all the members of the community have equal voice and are the beneficiaries of this rule?

Or does it mean majority rule? For example, does the fact that the political system restricts voting rights to men only or to certain racial groups mean that there is no democracy?

What about if the country does not respond to the needs of the people, e. Should the political system promote real equality and a fair distribution of resources?

One way of understanding democracy would be to examine the toot of the word itself, i. Aristotle listed many other examples when he wrote:.

Over the years, these experiences of the Greek city-states inspired many political communities to emulate them. What distinguished their experiences from those of the ancient Greeks were the right-based justifications used to legitimize the political system and the structures that were created to ensure its continuity, e.

Like the proponents of democracy in ancient Greece, the American and French revolutionaries claimed to have empowered the people by giving them self-rule.

Unfortunately, this is often misinterpreted as meaning the total empowerment of all members of the political community the people , in the sense of being full beneficiaries of the political system.

This is far from true. The democratic experiments in Istrus, Heraclea, Cnidus, Erythrea and Basilidae, which Aristotle wrote about, did not permit all the members of these communities to participate in the political process children, women and slaves, for examples, were excluded.

Despite this obvious exclusion from power, the political system was called democracy, apparently because it was expected that those who were empowered by the system would promote the interests of the community as a whole, e.

Before slavery was abolished in the s black slaves were deemed to be the property of their white owners. Many of the celebrated fathers of the American Revolution, such as George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, were themselves slave-owners.

White women too were marginalized and excluded from positions of power until the mids. The French Republics which were established following the French Revolution also failed to deliver the democracy that had been promised, until after World War II.

Is this people composed of all the persons that are present in the country, including foreign residents and tourists, or only the citizens wherever they may be , or is it selected categories of citizens e.

Is the power or authority of this people simply to choose who should rule, regardless of whether the chosen ruler is a tyrant or one who responds to the wishes and needs of the governed?

In other words, does democracy empower the people to rule itself through elected representatives who can be removed if they fail to respond to what the electorate wants and expects?

The term is commonly used to describe a particular social group by combining it with a social, territorial other factor.

This means while people in a society can be divided according to the languages they speak, the religions they profess and the territories they inhabit, legally they constitute one entity.

Understood in this unique technical sense, a people can be very young, e. Two distinct peoples can merge, example as the East and West German peoples did following the fall of the Berlin Wall, and one people can split into two or more new political communities, as occurred in Yugoslavia and the USSR.

Again, a people can also exist for well over a thousand years. The fact that no human being can live that long makes no difference.

Grotius clarified the distinction that should be borne in mind between the lives of these kinds of imagined political communities and those of their members by stating the following.

If the existence of a people as a political community is indisputable, a question which follows from this is how can this people govern itself as suggested by the term democracy?

Does this necessarily mean that the voice and interests of all the members of this political community should count? This honest statement exposes the hypocrisy surrounding those who brag about behaving in accordance with the principles of democracy.

If democracy is the rule of the people as a whole, government which responds to the interests of a minority or a majority cannot be democratic.

To argue otherwise is false or, in everyday language, a lie. There are two ways of seeing this. One is to say that if sovereignty belongs to the people, power can only be delegated to the government.

This means that the governmental authorities are mandated to serve as representatives, to act by responding continuously and transparently to the wishes and interests of the people.

The other interpretation reduces democracy to the means of legitimizing the government. Once the people has chosen the government, those elected should represent the state by exercising the sovereignty of the state.

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In the s and 90s, Kisshomaru developed an accommodating stance toward the acceptance of outside organizations into the Aikikai fold. This included the re-integration of groups that had earlier split with the Aikikai at the time of the resignation of Koichi Tohei in This is a policy for which he has been justifiably praised.

Another sphere of influence in which Kisshomaru was dominant is the shaping of the image of his father, Morihei Ueshiba, for general consumption. This was accomplished by expunging most of the esoteric Shinto imagery that Morihei used in his speeches and lectures.

In some cases, authorship was even attributed to Morihei himself. Professor John Stevens has translated and edited most of these publications in English.

At that time, he was a bespectacled 42 year old, with a quiet and unassuming manner. He taught and demonstrated in a matter-of-fact way with little explanation.

Nothing about him was flamboyant or overstated. I had periodical contact with Kisshomaru over the next 36 years and watched him transform into a dignified, paternal figure.

Within the Aikikai, he became an object of reverence, always to be accompanied by a doting entourage. This august mantle was inherited by his son and present Doshu, Moriteru Ueshiba, and will no doubt be passed in due course to his son Mitsuteru.

Morihei had a vast Universal view of the possibility of movement interaction, and human survival that went beyond a few techniques and one that that was not limited, strictured or put into a box of limitations.

Indeed survival cannot be so limited. We must never forget that his antecedents used aiki jutsu for survival of life and death circumstances.

Indeed, so have people of present times been enabled to survive death dealing attacks, some armed, some by multiple attackers, and other anomalous criminal assaults, and survived because of sound training principles imparted by good Aikido teachers, often using the Aikido to enable survival.

Evolution is ever changing in accordance to the demands of real necessity. Some people are fortunate that they never meet real necessity to survive life and death so develop an opinionated view of things, and sadly Budo, does not escape this dumbing down.

There are cycles where any Budo becomes a mere dance, but serves to preserve the art. These are followed by cycles of dire necessity where too much fire can often be present.

All contributors, in some way, serve the evolution of an art. Of course, all contributors in the evolution of an art must be acknowledged and thanked, even if in some ways they drift at a tangent not consistent with the rigours of reality.

Each contribution adds value to an art and has merit from the perspective of they reality they experienced, even if limited or or in some ways biased.

But we must clarify the definition of what is meant by the Do of Ai and Ki. Is it a health club? Is it a social experience? Is it a way for making money?

Is it a political party? Is it a Way to serve and uplift humanity? Can it lessen harm and suffering? Can it make you more complete as a human being?

Die Blumen rochen herrlich. Manu Tabelle my amazement I had a reply within 20 minutes of my initial message. Zum Lernen ist keiner zu alt.

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